Cambridge A Level History 9489 — 2022 Oct/Nov Paper 4 · Variant 2

9489/42/O/N/22 · 11 questions · 60 marks · ≈68 min

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Questions as text

Q1 · ‘Maintaining good relations with the Catholic Church was the main reason for Mussolini’s…

1 ‘Maintaining good relations with the Catholic Church was the main reason for Mussolini’s popular support.’ Assess this view. [30]

Mark scheme: Question Answer Marks 1 ‘Maintaining good relations with the Catholic church was the main 30 reason for Mussolini’s popular support.’ Assess this view. Indicative content Answers might draw a distinction between the support Mussolini gained from conservative Catholics in his stance against the anti-clerical left and the more official agreement made in the Lateran Treaties which ended the tensions between Church and state that had divided Italy since the Risorgimento and the loss of the papal states to the new Kingdom of Italy. Recognising the special position of the church in the state meant that Catholics could serve and support the state without reservations and has been seen as a major achievement by Mussolini. There were distinct political advantages as the Pope accepted that there would be no criticism of state policies and especially foreign policy. So, while the Pope had concerns about the Ethiopian War in 1935, they were not expressed, helping Mussolini gain support. The concrete expression of the links between the independent Vatican which gained financial support and was opened to the public and the Italian state was shown in a new road between the palace and the city centre. There is no doubt that Mussolini exploited the propaganda value of this reconciliation to a great extent. However, it could be argued that changes in the late nineteenth century and the national effort of the First World War had made catholic alienation less important and that the main reasons for popular support lay elsewhere. The personal appeal of an energetic leader who raised Italian prestige aboard and ended the political conflicts that had worried so many middle-class Italians could be seen as key. There was also the use of propaganda for a resurgent Italy, well-publicised public works schemes, the impression of greater economic growth with the ‘battles’ for wheat and measures to encourage birth rate and the publicity given to social cooperation and harmony in the Corporate State. It could be argued that the vision of unity of progress was the overriding factor and the Lateran Treaties were part of a wider appeal rather than necessarily being a ‘main cause’. Alternatively, it might be seen that the acceptance of the dictatorship by the church and the links between state and traditional elements like the church and monarchy were the key elements.

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Q2 · Assess how far the economic conditions of workers improved in the Soviet Union in the…

2 Assess how far the economic conditions of workers improved in the Soviet Union in the period 1928–41. [30]

Mark scheme: 2 Assess how far the economic conditions of workers improved in the 30 Soviet Union in the period 1928–41. Indicative content Though industrialisation was a feature of the whole period, the greatest structural change was 1928–34 and the greatest period of actual economic growth was 1934-37. The rapid changes of the initial period produced considerable strains for workers and economic conditions in terms of wages, consumption and working conditions probably did not see an improvement from the days of NEP or 1913. As millions of rural workers moved to industries there was adjustment to new conditions. The disruption of food supplies by Collectivisation meant shortages. The state provided key industrial workers with housing, welfare, education and training and cheap food. However, government stores were often bare and workers depended often on the black market. Much depended on individual factories and the nature of the workforce. As a change from depressed rural areas work in industrial areas of the service industries presented better opportunities and conditions for some. Infrastructure such as mass housing and transport facilities, free universal primary education (1930) and more equality between men and women with improved welfare did mean better conditions. However, the workforce also included prisoner labour and foreign labour and a change from working in small units to much larger units or on public works projects. For many work was long and dangerous. As the pace of industrialisation proceeded a 6-day week in which days were numbered so that factories and sites worked continuously was the norm. Ambitious targets put pressure on managers and workforces. The introduction of internal passports and the loss of a free labour market meant compulsion and a high level of discipline. Imprisonment and even death for ‘sabotage’ and the threat of the gulags had to be balanced against an improvement in wages and consumption from 1935 when Stalin announced, ‘Life is joyful’. Consumption did increase by 20% from the 1929 level by 1938, but was at a lower level than in 1913. Output however rose 50% 1913-1940 suggesting that progress was achieved by economic exploitation of the workforce.

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Q3 · ‘Reducing unemployment was the main aim of Nazi economic policy.’ Discuss this view

3 ‘Reducing unemployment was the main aim of Nazi economic policy.’ Discuss this view. [30]

Mark scheme: 3 ‘Reducing unemployment was the main aim of Nazi economic policy.’ 30 Discuss this view. Indicative content The rise in unemployment was a major reason for the growth in support for Nazism and could not be ignored when Hitler gained office and power. Despite the use of force, the new government had to deliver on its economic promises but full employment was part of a wider economic aim to increase production to allow for rearmament to fulfil wider foreign policy and geopolitical aims which would lead to an expansion of the Reich to ensure self-sufficiency. Full employment would be a result of this projected expansion, so it was both an aim and a means to wider economic aims – autarky and military expansion. Also, in the period before war preparation became a much more central and overt aim, economic policy was directed towards more than simply providing direct projects to reduce unemployment. Schacht was concerned less with deficit finance and public works than more orthodox plans for recovery through trade and private enterprise. The new Plan might have had unemployment reduction as an aim as part of a general economic recovery but did not target this. So measures such as the reduction of women workers and Jews in employment and policies towards department stores had ideological aims and while might have created some jobs did not play a major role in unemployment which was falling in any case as a result of as cyclical upturn. The creation of a Reich Labour Service and some public workers schemes did target disguising and reducing unemployment. Also financing schemes for rearmament like the famous Mefo Bills and then the Four-Year Plan and moving away from fiscal orthodoxy with the dismissal of Schacht might have reduced unemployment in practice – indeed there was a labour shortage from 1936 in some areas and women returned to the work place. However, it is more plausible to see these policies being driven by concern about the dependence of the Reich on foreign imports which had been seen as one of the reasons for the loss of the Great War. Also, the mobilisation of the economy for a future war was more of a priority for Hitler who was explicit in his view that the economy is there to serve the state and not the other way round. So, neither full employment in its own right or even economic stability which might have protected full employment was the aim by the late 1930s, as the economy overheated with rearmament pressuring the supply of labour and raw materials.

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Q4 · Evaluate the reasons why the Labour Party was able to form two governments in the period…

4 Evaluate the reasons why the Labour Party was able to form two governments in the period 1919–31. [30]

Mark scheme: 4 Evaluate the reasons why the Labour Party was able to form two 30 governments in the period 1919–31. Indicative content The discussion might be between factors involving the growing strength and development of the party and factors which involved changes in the political context. In 1924 it could be argued that the 1918 Constitution had put Labour on a stable footing in terms of organisation, that it had a credible and able leader in Ramsay MacDonald, that it had shown that it could take part in national government with the work of Henderson and was more than a pressure group for trade unions as it had developed national policies. It had also shown that it embraced some popular and moderate policies such as free trade and was not a revolutionary leftist sect. On the other hand, it benefited from context – especially the extension of the male franchise in 1918 and the decline of the Liberals following the split between Lloyd George and Asquith. It benefited from the growth of trade unions during the war and also from the adoption of protectionist policies by the Conservatives, themselves weakened by association with the Lloyd George Coalition and with a leader yet to fully establish himself in Baldwin. The decision of the Liberals to support a minority government was of crucial importance and the experience of being in power in 1924 was important for subsequent electoral success as a Labour government was by 1929 no longer seen as an outrageous experiment. By 1929 Labour was able to do better, though still not able to gain an outright majority. The ability to remain a moderate ‘party of government’ through responses to the 1926 General Strike crisis was key. The downplaying of electorally dangerous elements to the left and the continued control of Macdonald who had gained prestige from his principled foreign policy stances gained votes from former Liberals. In this the ongoing decline of the Liberals who suffered from their support of Labour was a key element. It now seemed that there was a straight choice between the Conservatives and a moderate progressive party, Labour. MacDonald’s international reputation helped his credibility while figures like Snowden seemed to have more links to traditional Gladstonian ideals than to socialism. The problems with the economy helped too in 1929 with unemployment persisting even at not at such a high level as after the slump and Baldwin’s campaign not being very inspiring. The Liberal alternative was undermined by the feeling that Lloyd George was part of a previous era.

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Q5 · ‘The 1950s were a period of limited change for women.’ Discuss this view

5 ‘The 1950s were a period of limited change for women.’ Discuss this view. [30]

Mark scheme: 5 ‘The 1950s were a period of limited change for women.’ Evaluate this 30 view. Indicative content The growth of suburbs and the post war pressure for priority in work to go to men returning from war led to a retreat from some of the war time changes. The focus of suburban culture was the family and women were often seen as homemakers and child-rearers first and foremost. The upside was a life style which offered more leisure with frozen food, supermarkets to cut shopping time, more domestic appliances and cheap fuel for more and more cars. The downside was a feeling of restriction and side-lining. The bored and unsatisfied housewife was written about a lot and it seemed that progress had been lost. However, there was a gap between image and reality. Twice as many women worked in 1960 as in 1940 and there was a growth in married women working from 15% to 30%. The proportion of black women working was higher than white. Also, many women had activities outside the home as volunteers and active members of all sorts of organisations. They were represented in all the professions if not equally. Though pressured by mass culture (advertising, consumerism TV and cinema) to accept stereotype gender roles as housewives or pin ups, many women reacted against this and took an active part in protest and in subverting the sexist image. In some cases individual resentments formed the basis of later feminist movements in the 1960s. Others offered models of academic or artistic attainment. Educational opportunities for women continued to be offered even if qualifications did not lead to higher level job opportunities. The Kinsey Report (1953) revealed that women did have an active interest in sex that was shocking to many. Others played a vital role in grassroots political organisations such as Rosa Parks. The discussion might be where conformism and suburbia pushed women back or whether there were important developments under the surface which led to later demands for greater equality. It would be possible to make a distinction between affluent white suburban life and less affluent rural areas and the experience of black, Hispanic and Native American women.

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Q6 · Assess the effectiveness of Carter’s domestic policies

6 Assess the effectiveness of Carter’s domestic policies. [30]

Mark scheme: 6 Assess the effectiveness of Carter’s domestic policies. 30 Indicative content Carter inherited economic problems – unemployment rose to 7.5% in 1977 and there were energy shortages. There was the ongoing problem of low economic growth and inflation. The problem was that federal spending stimulation and tax cuts to promote business activities stood the risk of increasing inflation. Carter was caught between promoting and restricting the economy. Initially there was a $30b federal spending plan and tax cuts but the president became more worried about inflation when it reached 7% and abandoned the idea of tax rebate and instead aimed to reduce welfare spending and job creation. However, economic downturn promoted another reversal and tax cuts returned to the agenda. But stop go prevailed and cuts were reduced and attempts at a voluntary wages and prices policies followed high levels of inflation in 1978. In 1979–80 partially because of higher energy prices inflation moved to 10% promoting high interest rates and monetary policies aimed at deflation. Carter faced criticism for energy shortages and from business for inconsistency and attempting to control prices. The stock market fluctuations reflected this. Carter was unpopular with many in the business sector but organised labour and liberal Democratic opinion were critical of unemployment, a failure to address poverty and to provide medical care reform. The agrarian sector objected to cuts in guaranteed prices and there was unrest about cancelled public water projects in the West. Carter had had some success with energy management with the creation of the federal Department of Energy and the establishment of a national energy policy. Another reform was the creation of the Department of Education. He was successful in promoting affirmative action for black Americans, supporting civil rights groups in the Bakke Case but was criticised for not doing enough for black unemployed workers.

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Q7 · Assess the reasons for the persistence of the budget deficit in the 1980s and early 1990s

7 Assess the reasons for the persistence of the budget deficit in the 1980s and early 1990s. [30]

Mark scheme: 7 Assess the reasons for the persistence of the budget deficit in the 30 1980s and early 1990s. Indicative content Debt held by the public relative to GDP rose rapidly again in the 1980s.as Reagan lowered tax rates. The top income tax rate fell from 70% to 28%, and increased military spending, while congressional Democrats blocked cuts to social programs. Debt as a share of GDP increased from 26.2% in 1980 to 40.9% in 1988 and it continued to rise, reaching 48.3% of GDP in 1992. Under Bush there was still opposition to social welfare cuts and pressure to maintain military spending to support foreign policy aims. Annual budget deficits under Reagan averaged $167bn or 4.2% of GDP compared with significantly lower levels under Carter of $57bn. Explanations link this to reduced economic activity during periods of recession, for example 1981–82, which reduced income from taxes. Economic issues can also be the explanation as the basis for tax cuts. Other explanations are the 30% increase in defence spending and the high costs of pressuring the USSR by high tech space wars. In economic terms, the campaign to reduce inflation by monetary policy under Federal Reserve Chairman Volcker (which resulted in a fall from 13% in 1980 to 4% in 1982) had a big impact on tax assessment as taxes were assessed on nominal incomes not inflation- adjusted incomes. Each percentage point reduction in inflation was calculated to reduce tax income by $11 billion and it has been suggested that tax revenue was reduced by 50% as a result in the first years of the 80s. However, reduction in inflation had an effect on the costs of government so spending was reduced. It also had a beneficial effect on business activity so this explanation can be criticised. The gap between Reagan’s rhetoric and the actual ability to bring about cuts in federal spending may be the key. The priority given to defence spending may be seen as key but the long-term development of federal spending and the political problems in reducing it may also explain a continued deficit in the face of ideological commitment to reducing ‘big government’.

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Q8 · Section C: International history, 1945–92

Section C: International history, 1945–92

Mark scheme: 8 Evaluate the significance of the Cuban Missile crisis for US foreign 30 policy. Indicative content In one view the significance was that the United States has shown its determination to defend itself and forced a retreat by the Soviet Union, defending traditional foreign policy interests as well as winning a Cold War victory, confirming the wisdom of committing resources to defence which gave power to foreign policy. The United States was able to present the outcome the crisis as a victory, so saved face and helped to defuse tensions, ushering in a period of détente. On the other hand, the danger of a nuclear war, the concerns among US allies and the de facto compromise of withdrawing the missiles from Turkey showed that uncompromising foreign policy had risks and impelled the towards safer policies. Kennedy had been alarmed at the escalation of tension in October 1962 and agreed the ‘hotline’ between Washington and Moscow to encourage better communication Kennedy and Johnson agreed to re-open talks about nuclear disarmament, culminating the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty in 1963 and to further progress in 1969 with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. It also showed that ‘rollback’ as opposed to defence had its limitations – the crisis not only cemented Castro in power but increased links with the Soviet Union and though the United States had remained hostile, the attempts to overthrow Castro were abandoned. However, the crisis also prompted the United States to continue building up its military hardware and resources in the years to come because of the Soviet Union’s focus on ICBMs

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Q9 · Evaluate the extent to which the Berlin Crisis of 1958–61 led to increased tension…

9 Evaluate the extent to which the Berlin Crisis of 1958–61 led to increased tension between the United States and the Soviet Union. [30]

Mark scheme: 9 Evaluate the extent to which the Berlin Crisis of 1958–61 led to 30 increased tension between the United States and Soviet Union. Indicative content It seemed that Khrushchev never intended peaceful coexistence to end competition between the two superpowers, merely that it would be peaceful competition. Suspicion existed between both sides even before the Berlin crisis. Eisenhower’s ‘New Course’ foreign policy included the use of greater nuclear weapons, a policy of massive retaliation and brinkmanship. In 1955 Khrushchev set up the Warsaw Pact with plans of how to wage nuclear war against NATO. However, the Berlin crises exacerbated the tension as both sides came close to war. Just ten years after the agreement on the ending of the Berlin Blockade, on 10 November 1958, Khrushchev announced that within six months he would declare this agreement ‘null and void’ and place all of Berlin under Soviet control. He maintained that there would be war if the West resisted. By the autumn of 1958 East Germany had lost 2 million people who were using East Berlin as an escape route and Khrushchev was determined to stop this. Hopes of an agreement between the United States and Soviet Union were soon dashed when the Soviets shot down a U-2 spy plane capturing the pilot, Gary Powers. Democrats in the United States spread reports that the Soviets were ahead of the United States in ICBMs. Eisenhower believed this to be false based on the evidence produced by U-2 spy planes but he ordered one more flight to take place in May 1960. The plane was shot down by the Soviets and Eisenhower, assuming that Powers was dead, lied and said that the plane must have veered off course but the Soviets learnt the truth from Powers. Thus, suspicion and distrust were exacerbated by Eisenhower’s actions. Khrushchev cut off talks with Eisenhower hoping that the new administration in the United States might achieve a resolution. In the summer of 1961, he met Kennedy in Vienna but no solution was found to the Berlin problem and Khrushchev again gave the United States 6 months to withdraw from Berlin. Kennedy responded by preparing for a potential conflict. Khrushchev’s own response was seen on 13 August 1961 when a barbed wire fence was erected on the order of Walter Ulbricht separating East and West Berlin making the city the heart of the Cold War. It can be argued that Khrushchev was only bluffing in 1958 and that he was in no position to alienate the United States. The fact that the two sides agreed to talks suggests they wanted to avert war. Khrushchev returned from his talks at Camp David with an agreement from Eisenhower to a summit in Paris the following year. Berlin and disarmament would be discussed. In January 1960, he gave a public speech to the Supreme Soviet, laying out a disarmament plan in which the Soviets would unilaterally withdraw 1 million troops from Eastern Europe and invite NATO to respond in kind. He would also destroy all Soviet missiles and discuss on-site inspection to verify that the United States did the same. Kennedy did not agree to a resolution as he was prepared to defend the interests of capitalism. A standoff between US and Soviet troops on either side of the diplomatic checkpoint led to one of the tensest moments of the Cold War in Europe. The United States stationed tanks on its side of the checkpoint, pointing towards the East German troops just beyond the wall. 9 Concerns that US forces would either attempt to take down the wall or force their way through the checkpoint led the Soviet Union to station its own tanks on the East German side. However, Kennedy suggested that Khrushchev remove his tanks and the US Army would reciprocate. The standoff ended peacefully but the Cuban Crisis of 1962 saw the two sides on the brink of nuclear war.

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Q10 · Evaluate the consequences of the United States’ failure in Vietnam

10 Evaluate the consequences of the United States’ failure in Vietnam. [30]

Mark scheme: 10 Evaluate the consequences of the United States’ failure in Vietnam. 30 Indicative content The United States’ failure in Vietnam led to the unification of the country and the establishment of a communist state. After years of warfare, an estimated 2 million Vietnamese were killed, while 3 million were wounded and another 12 million became refugees. The country’s infrastructure was ravaged by bombing and landmines, and parts of its landscape had been stripped by toxic chemicals like Agent Orange. In 1976, Vietnam was unified as the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, though sporadic violence continued over the next 15 years, including conflicts with neighbouring China and Cambodia. After withdrawing from the country in 1975, the United States imposed a trade embargo on Vietnam, which cut off imports and exports from the United States and other countries. US pressure was also put on international bodies not to help Vietnam. The North Vietnamese government took several steps to consolidate its political control over the south. This included eliminating potential rivals, ‘re-educating’ those who were suspected of disloyalty, and preventing other ideologies and beliefs from competing with socialism. A mass exodus in 1975 of people loyal to the South Vietnamese cause was followed in 1978 by another wave of ‘boat people’, refugees fleeing the economic restructuring imposed by the communist regime. However, by the early 1980s, Vietnam’s government realised that communism would not provide a miracle cure for growing its economy. A broad free market policy was put in place in 1986, and the economy began to improve. Trade and diplomatic relations between Vietnam and the United States resumed in the 1990s. The United States had intervened in a civil war in Vietnam with the purpose of preventing the spread of communism and pursuing its policy of containment. The policy of containment had failed militarily. Despite the United States’ vast military strength, it could not stop the spread of communism. The guerrilla tactics used by the Vietcong and their absolute commitment to the cause, far outweighed the desire of the Americans to keep going. The policy had also failed politically. The United States’ actions in Laos and Cambodia also helped to bring communist governments to power there. The image of the United States was tarnished because of the atrocities it had committed such as the use of chemical weapons. The Vietnam War had far-reaching consequences for the United States. It led Congress to replace the military draft with an all-volunteer force and the country to reduce the voting age to 18. The War Powers Act 1973 restricted a president's ability to send American forces into combat without explicit Congressional approval. The Vietnam War severely damaged the US economy. Unwilling to raise taxes to pay for the war, President Johnson unleashed a cycle of inflation. The war also weakened US military morale and undermined, for a time, the US commitment to internationalism. During the 1970s and 1980s, the United States was wary of getting involved anywhere else in the world out of fear of another Vietnam. Equally important, the war undermined liberal reform and made many Americans deeply suspicious of government. Psychologically, the effects 10 ran even deeper. The United States was not invincible, and the war had divided the nation. Many returning veterans faced negative reactions from both the opponents of the war who viewed them as having killed innocent civilians and its supporters who blamed them for losing the war. They had also suffered physical damage including the effects of exposure to the toxic herbicide agent orange.

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Q11 · Assess the extent to which nationalist movements contributed to African nations gaining…

11 Assess the extent to which nationalist movements contributed to African nations gaining their independence. [30]

Mark scheme: 11 Assess the extent to which nationalist movements contributed to 30 African nations gaining their independence. Indicative content During the 1950s and 1960s, when Africans began to seriously resist colonial rule, Africa underwent a major transformation and each colony eventually gained its freedom. In Africa, nationalism became a central focus for calls for the unification of Africa. Nationalist movements attempted to transform conceptions of African identity from a focus on isolated ethnicities to a racial identification, or an identity based on the territorial state created by colonial rulers. By 1950, most African colonies had some organised national movement; most of these were in the form of political parties that led the demand for independence. These movements were more broad-based in their appeal. Political parties emerged in the period between the two World Wars and they represented national movements. They helped to organise national movements across Africa. Popular parties included the Kenyan African National Union (KANU) in Kenya and the Convention People’s Party in Ghana. In general, these political parties were led by charismatic nationalist figures like Nkrumah, Kenyatta and Azikiwe. They were all keen advocates of national independence. In the 1950s and 1960s, struggles by African Americans in the United States for constitutional rights intensified. African national movements and the Civil Rights Movement in the United States mutually affected each other. In 1957, Martin Luther King visited Ghana at the invitation of the Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah to witness the official replacement of the Union Jack with the new Ghana flag. Another Civil Rights leader, Malcolm X, travelled widely in Africa. He met with all the prominent African leaders of the time, including Nkrumah. Pan-Africanism also influenced the nationalist leaders like Kaunda, Haile Selassie, Nkrumah and Azikiwe. The fifth Pan-African Congress held in Manchester in 1945 supported strongly the African struggle for independence. Nkrumah argued that African workers and peasants needed to reclaim their independence advocating the use of force if necessary. Nkrumah's hatred of colonial rule, enthusiasm for independence, and the ideal of a United States of Africa made him popular throughout the continent. Azikiwe was a prominent Pan-Africanist; he rejected Nkrumah's united Africa, and advocated the use of colonial boundaries to define nations. For him, a united Africa meant cooperation, but not an actual unification of the continent. He abandoned his Pan-Africanist ideals. Returning veterans from the Second World War expected more freedom and dignity and supported nationalism. The formation of the UN also popularised notions of national sovereignty. Weakened economically and militarily from their participation in the Second World War, European colonial powers became less able to repress the national movements that were growing across the African continent. They, therefore, became more open to the idea of granting independence. In some colonies the calls for independence led to armed confrontations between nationalist insurgent groups and colonial armies. In Kenya, the Mau Mau uprising carried on guerrilla warfare against the colonial government for most of the 1950s. In most colonies, however, national movements used a combination of armed resistance and constitutional protest to fight for independence. Armed struggle was often used only as a strategy of last resort, when other more peaceful means of protest had proven futile or were repressed. In sub- Saharan Africa, the Gold Coast (Ghana) was the first to gain independence in 1957. Fourteen African countries gained independence in the year 1960. By 1966, most African countries had attained independence.

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